Democratic Chiefs Laud ’88 Lineup

CLEVELAND — “There is only one front-runner at this point in this race, and that is a guy named ‘undecided,’ ” said Massachusetts Gov. Michael S. Dukakis after he, like seven other Democratic presidential contenders, had spent an hour trying to impress Democratic state party leaders from around the country at a two-day meeting here.

Because his early fund-raising success has made him the campaigner most often mentioned these days as the possible front-runner, Dukakis’ statement might be considered suspect--no one is eager to accept the high expectations and close scrutiny that go with being the early leader.

But the fact is that Dukakis’ assessment was shared by many of the more than 100 case-hardened and neutral party leaders at the gathering of the Assn. of State Party Chairs.

Field Seen Impressive

The state leaders came away impressed with the survivability of the Democratic field that has often been derided as the Seven Dwarfs, and which recently added its Snow White, Colorado Rep. Patricia Schroeder.

“This race is wide open,” Peter Kelly, California party chairman, said after the meeting ended Saturday. “Every one of these candidates looks more credible now than Jimmy Carter did in July of ‘75,” an allusion to his underdog campaign for the 1976 presidential nomination.

While some of the eight contenders now appear to have an advantage in the race, assessments seem subject to rapid change, and, in the view of the party leaders, all appear capable of exerting some significant impact on the campaign.

This suggests that the Democratic presidential drive, in the six months or so before the caucuses and primaries start, will be a time of intense competition for even a small advantage.

Judging from the candidates’ speeches and answers to questions here, future debates will likely zero in on the so-called “twin deficits” of the Reagan Administration: the red ink in the federal budget and the foreign trade imbalance.

See Need to Raise Taxes

So far as the budget is concerned, most of the candidates have acknowledged the need to raise taxes, in some way or other. “We are going to have to increase revenue,” said Illinois Sen. Paul Simon. “No responsible candidate can pledge absolutely that there will be no tax increases.”

But mindful of the disaster that overtook 1984 standard-bearer Walter F. Mondale, when he proposed an income tax increase, the 1988 contenders have been soft-pedaling that sort of approach.

Simon talked about cutting the deficit by creating more jobs, while Dukakis advocated stepped-up enforcement measures by the Internal Revenue Service to reach out for some of the $110 billion in tax revenues uncollected annually.

It seems certain that in the weeks ahead such proposals will be major focuses of debates. The debate over the trade issue is already under way, particularly by Dukakis and Missouri Rep. Richard A. Gephardt, whose sponsorship of tough trade legislation has given his candidacy an early boost.

After Dukakis had attacked Gephardt’s approach to the trade deficit at the Democratic debate televised from Houston earlier this month, Gephardt responded by accusing Dukakis of following a “blame America first” line.

Iowa Debate Set

The two are planning to debate in Iowa next month, but Dukakis complained here about Gephardt’s charges against him. “Nobody benefits from this sort of thing,” Dukakis said. “I believe it hurts our chances of doing what I think is the most important thing--electing the next President of the United States.”

Here is a brief assessment of each contender’s tactical situation and performance at the Cleveland meeting:

--BRUCE BABBITT. After his dismal performance in the Houston debate--”I bombed,” he acknowledged--Babbitt managed to prove here, as even his rivals agreed, that his candidacy was still alive. The former Arizona governor displayed vigor and wit. He called for a surtax on those earning more than $100,000 and quipped that if the Iran- contra hearings went on long enough, “they may yet discover a link between Ronald Reagan and the presidency.”

--JOSEPH R. BIDEN JR. The Delaware senator used the occasion to stress what his aides say will be a major new campaign theme: his command of foreign affairs. “The next President must rebuild our foreign policy,” he said. But Biden admitted that he had “made a mistake” by announcing his opposition to the Supreme Court nomination of Judge Robert H. Bork before he could fully state his reasons for his position. And as Senate Judiciary Committee chairman, he faces weeks of distracting controversy over the nomination.

--DUKAKIS. His presentation to the party leaders was characteristically smooth, as he stressed his role in his state’s economic recovery and called for an embargo on arms sales to the embattled Persian Gulf nations. But some thought his complaint about Gephardt’s criticism made Dukakis seem thin-skinned. Moreover, many believe he faces real trouble in the South. “He’s still just a regional candidate,” Ohio Chairman James Ruvolo said.

--GEPHARDT. As usual, Gephardt leaned hard on the trade issue, proclaiming victory as a result of passage of the Senate trade bill. “The train is leaving the station,” he said. “A new trade policy is here.” He also pounded Reagan’s Central American policy. “I say it’s time to cut off aid to the contras and start taking care of our farmers.” But some thought that Gephardt seemed to be straining, indicating that his arduous campaign schedule may finally be taking its toll.

--ALBERT GORE JR. The decision last week by Arkansas Gov. Bill Clinton not to enter the Democratic race has suddenly brightened the prospects for Gore, as the only white Southerner in the race so far, to do well in the Super Tuesday Southern primary. The Tennessee senator appeared here to be keeping some distance from the liberal Democratic field by saying he had yet to make up his mind about the Bork nomination, which all the other contenders oppose.

--JESSE JACKSON. Jackson’s relatively sedate behavior on the stump this year had stirred speculation among party leaders that he might not formally announce his candidacy. But he put most such talk to rest with a rousing performance here in which, among other things, he took sharp issue with Gephardt on trade. “We must not offer false hope to workers with promises of veiled protectionism,” he said.

--SCHROEDER. The congresswoman caught the audience’s attention with her proposals for leading America toward a promised “rendezvous with reality.” Schroeder seemed better at listing problem areas--the American family, the environment, public service--than offering plausible solutions. But one fund-raising consultant said that, given the enthusiasm of women’s groups for her candidacy, she should have no trouble raising the money to make the race.

--SIMON. “He comes through as just a real guy, in contrast to all those blow-dried types,” said Helen Knipe Smith, majority leader of the Cleveland City Council, after hearing Simon. That is, of course, just what Simon is after. Unpretentiousness and sincerity, combined with loyalty to traditional Democratic liberalism at a time when revisionism is rife in the party, are the heart of Simon’s appeal.